Jan 17 (Reuters) – In the 12 days since the U.S. captured Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro, interim President Delcy Rodriguez has worked to consolidate his own power, installing loyalists in key positions to protect himself from domestic threats while meeting U.S. demands to increase oil production.
Rodriguez, 56, a quiet but stern technocrat who has served as vice president and oil minister, has appointed a central banker to help steer the economy, a presidential chief of staff and, crucially, a new head of Venezuela’s dreaded DGCIM, the military counterintelligence agency built over decades with Cuban assistance.
Major General Gustavo Gonzalez, 65, will now head the agency, a move by three sources with knowledge of the government that Rodriguez described as an early move to counter what many in Venezuela say is the biggest threat to its leadership: Diosdado Cabello, Venezuela’s hard-line interior minister with close ties to the security services and the feared “colectivos” motorcycle gangs, which have killed the opposition.
“It is very clear that it does not have the ability to survive without the consent of the Americans,” said a source close to the government. “She is already reforming the armed forces, removing people and appointing new officials.”
Interviews with seven sources in Venezuela, including diplomats, businessmen and politicians, reveal in previously unreported detail the fault line at the heart of Venezuela’s government and the risks it poses for Rodriguez as he tries to strengthen domestic control while complying with the Trump administration’s dictates on oil sales. The sources spoke on condition of anonymity for fear of punishment.
The function Rodriguez is trying to run was evident in her first major speech since taking office. Addressing parliament in an annual national address on Thursday, she appealed for unity, emphasized her bona fides as Maduro’s loyal deputy and vowed to create a new chapter in Venezuela’s oil-heavy politics.
Venezuela’s Communications Ministry, which handles all press inquiries for the government and individual officials, did not respond to a request for comment for this story.
The White House responded to questions sent by Reuters by email, referring the news agency to recent comments made by Trump. In an interview with Reuters on Wednesday, Trump said Rodriguez “was very good to deal with” and that he expected her to visit Washington at some point.
AN INTERNAL RIVALRY
Rodriguez – nicknamed the “czarina” for her business connections – has wide influence over the country’s civilian levers of power, including the crucial oil industry, and now also enjoys the support of the United States. That claim appeared to be reiterated Thursday when Rodriguez met with CIA Director John Ratcliffe in Caracas.
The other main faction is led by Cabello.
Cabello, who also heads the ruling socialist PSUV party, is a former military man with a four-hour weekly show on state television that has been running for 12 years. His first public act after Maduro’s capture was to appear on screen, wearing a flak jacket and surrounded by armed guards, while leading a chant: “To doubt is to betray.”
Trump administration officials had contact with Cabello months before the operation to capture Maduro and have also been in communication with him since then, four sources familiar with the matter told Reuters, warning him not to use the security services or colectivos to target the opposition.
Cabello, who was jailed in Venezuela for supporting eventual socialist president Hugo Chavez in a failed coup in 1992, is under indictment in the US and has a $25 million reward for his capture.
So far, Cabello has been conciliatory toward Rodriguez, saying they are “very united,” and she arrived at Thursday’s national address alongside Rodriguez and her brother Jorge, the head of the National Assembly. But sources familiar with their relationship told Reuters that Cabello remains the biggest threat to her ability to govern.
In Caracas, the security forces are troublesome. Hours after Rodriguez was sworn in, there was a brief burst of anti-aircraft fire outside the presidential palace in what some feared could be another US attack. Instead, reports suggest it was a miscommunication between the police and the presidential guard that brought down the police drones. The government said the craft were spy drones, without explaining who they belonged to.
Across the country, people are reeling from the shock of Maduro’s capture and are unsure whether to be hopeful or scared. In some places, local branches of the socialist party have asked members to spy on their neighbors and report anyone celebrating Maduro’s fall, according to three party members who spoke on condition of anonymity.
In this tense environment, Rodriguez must convince party loyalists that he is not an American puppet who betrayed Maduro. It must also stabilize an economy that has seen commodity prices rise in the days since the US attack, as well as wrestle with some degree of control over the sprawling patronage networks linked to the military that have developed over decades of Chavismo rule.
Venezuela has up to 2,000 generals and admirals, more than double the number of the United States, a military superpower with 20 times as many active and reserve troops. Senior and retired officers control food distribution, raw materials and state oil company PDVSA, while dozens of generals sit on the boards of private firms.
Many officials can run their regional fiefdoms as they see fit – ordering patrols or checkpoints by soldiers under their command – and parts of the country and the capital Caracas have seen increased activity by security services since Maduro’s capture.
REPRESSION “ALREADY HAS A NAME”
Gonzalez, the new head of the DGCIM military counterintelligence agency, has worked closely with Cabello throughout his long career in the Venezuelan government, particularly during two stints as head of the separate civilian spy agency.
However, Rodriguez owes Gonzalez’s most recent posts. In 2024, Rodriguez tapped Gonzalez for a top job at the state oil company, Venezuela’s most important company and the engine of the country’s economy.
Questions still remain about how much control Gonzalez will be able to exert over DGCIM. Cabello’s allies within the agency could undermine him, the three sources with knowledge of the government said.
A source familiar with the inner workings of the security services said Gonzalez’s DGCIM predecessor, General Javier Marcano, struggled to control the agency.
“The role of head of repression already has a name… Diosdado,” this person said. “Marcano was coordinating with the (civilian) militias and the colectivos, but had serious difficulty controlling the DGCIM because his designation was nominal.”
Reuters was unable to reach Marcano directly, and all official communications with Venezuelan officials are handled through the Communications Ministry, which did not respond to a list of questions for this story.
The groups, closely linked to Cabello, could also make the country ungovernable by implementing a so-called “anarchization” strategy, which was first designed to avoid US intervention but could be directed against Rodriguez, the source close to the government told Reuters. This strategy would mobilize the intelligence services and collectives to plunge Caracas into disorder and chaos.
Cabello could also slow the pace of prisoner releases, which have been hailed by Trump. They moved much more slowly than families and rights groups had asked, creating a potential pressure point for Rodriguez.
Outside of Venezuela, however, the pressure on Cabello continues to mount.
“For the Trump administration to achieve a real transition in Venezuela, sooner or later Diosdado Cabello must face US justice,” US Rep. Maria Elvira Salazar said at X this month. “When Diosdado is brought to justice, it will be a decisive step towards a democratic transition in Venezuela and the release of all political hostages.”
(Reporting by Reuters staff; Editing by Stephen Eisenhammer and Michael Learmonth)